They want to suppress independent and alternative online media, which it categorizes as “fake news”.
Readers on social media are warned not to go onto certain sites.
The intent of this initiative is to smear honest reporting and Truth in Media.
Our analysis confirms that the mainstream media are routinely involved in distorting the facts and turning realities upside down.
They are the unspoken architects of “Fake News”.
One area of routine distortion is the use of fake videos and images by the mainstream media.
Four Notorious Cases of Media Distortion
These are four examples and there are many more. The manipulation of videos and images is routine. In some cases, these manipulations are revealed by readers, independent media and social media. In most cases they go undetected. And when they are revealed, the media will say “sorry” we apologize: they will then point to technical errors. “we got the wrong video”.
What is important to emphasize is that these media distortions are invariably deliberate.
1. Coverage of CNN 2008 Riots in Tibet
Chinese Cops with khaki uniforms and Indian Style Moustaches
The video footage, which accompanied CNN’s John Vause’s report, had nothing to do with China. The police were not Chinese, but Indian cops in khaki uniforms from the Northeastern State of Himachal Pradesh, India. Viewers were led to believe that demonstrations inside China were peaceful and that people were being arrested by Chinese cops.
Chinese Cops in Khaki Uniforms?
1′.27-1′.44″ video footage of “Chinese cops” and demonstrators including Buddhist monks. Chinese cops are shown next to Tibetan monks
Are these Chinese Cops from Gansu Province or Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, as suggested by CNN’s John Vause’s Report?
REPORT ON CHINA, MARCH 14, 2008
Alleged Chinese cops in khaki uniforms repressing Tibet demonstrators in China, CNN, March 14, 2008 1’38″, 1’40″ (images above)
Their khaki uniforms with berets seem to bear the imprint of the British colonial period.
Khaki colored uniforms were first introduced in the British cavalry in India in 1846.
Khaki means “dust” in Hindi and Persian.
Moreover, the cops with khaki uniforms and mustache do not look Chinese.
They are Indian cops.
The videotape shown on March 14, 2008 by CNN is not from China (Gansu Province or Lhasa, Tibet’s Capital). The video was taken in the State of Himachal Pradesh, India. The videotape of the Tibet protest movement in India was used in the CNN report on the Tibet protest movement within China. CNN got its countries screwed up.
“CNN anchor Aaron Brown seems to struggle to make sense of what he is seeing one minute after announcing that WTC Building 7, whose erect facade is clearly visible in his view towards the Trade Center, has or is collapsing.” (see below)
At dawn on Tuesday, November 22, an unexpected and cowardly police operative,, involving hundreds of polices (“granaderos”) expeled the autonomous space Chanti Ollin -located at #424 on Melchor Ocampo Avenue in the delegation Cuauhtémoc- and all the people that was in it. The balance is of 26 people detained, including a minor of 3 years, in addition to several injured people during the evactuation. Free and independent media speak of a possible deportation of members of the space of other nationalities, the presence of construction machinery that hit the facade of the building, and in turn, the police placed metal fences around the building.
The detainees are in the Public Ministry No. 50 or “Bunker”. Solidarity organizations call for a meeting on the outskirts of this ministerial agency and Chanti Ollin, to demand the release of arrested people and for the permanent monitoring of the autonomus space. On his Facebook page, Chanti Ollin shares: “Chanti Ollin is an autonomous and independent community, today it was evicted and the compas are detained at the moment.Those who live in Chanti are people who practice solidarity with groups and people who seek a better world, so they carry out various activities in the interior of the country, giving courses, communitary works and shows in highly marginalized communities. At the moment the solidarity of all is needed. “
The shocking election of right-populist billionaire Donald Trump has unleashed a flood of analysis, finger-pointing, and despair on the Left. However, there is an urgent need for pragmatic action in the months and years to come.
We must fight tooth-and-nail against the future which Trump and his cabinet of horrors are working to usher in: increased deportations, the registration of Muslims, bans on abortion and birth control, attacks on LGBTQ people, anti-Semitic populism, and the newfound electoral coalition of U.S. White Nationalism. Before Trump expands Obama’s deportation and security policies, we must build self-organized counter-power with a newfound commitment to our comrades, neighbors, and coworkers.
Trump’s election has already unleashed a wave of racist attacks across the United States, and we encourage everyone to meet these attacks–and whatever else may come–with diverse tactics and ceaseless action from comrades of all abilities. Here’s how we are already starting to organize. We urge you to do the same:
Organize Antifascist AffinityGroupsDon’t wait until an established group sets up a public meeting, get something going with your friends today. Around the country, interest has grown in organizing local antifascist groups. We recommendAntifascist Network’s primer on starting a group as well as their resources for activistsarticles to anyone interested. Your affinity group can take part in other resistance movements, convene in anti-authoritarian blocks at demonstrations, and take action to resist oppression. Solidarity and Rapid-Response Networks
Before the election, collectives in different cities were organizing in support of people dealing with exploitative bosses and slumlords. With larger participation, these networks could become increasingly viable in a post-Trump world. In New York, the Rapid Response Network is organizing to work with undocumented immigrants to thwart the machinations of ICE. The Community Action Team NYC (CATNYC) and Neighbored Anti-Racist trainings from the Kuwasi Balagoon Liberation School are also setting up responses to racist attacks.
Another tactic is the New Sanctuary Movement, which provides spaces for those facing deportation to hide while considering their next moves. Many activist spaces are in the process of becoming sanctuaries and you can help a space where you live become one as well.
Win the Propaganda WarFor too long the streets have been dominated by advertisements and apolitical street art. We need to produce stickers, posters, and murals to announce our presence–as well as counter racist and fascist graffiti that is increasingly appearing across the country. The three arrows of the antifascist circle was developed exactly for this purpose, and we’d like to see it generalize as a symbol of our resistance. We will not allow organized white nationalists to engage in open organizing on the streets of New York.
Marches, Demonstrations, Walk-outs, and StrikesIn the days following the election, thousands of people took part in dozens of protests that spontaneously and immediately took place around the country. Antifascists must continue to expand this presence in the streets, sharing militant tactics learned from past movements–the city-shut downs of the anti-war movement, the massive “Day Without Latinos” general strike of 2006, the square reclamations of Occupy, and the infrastructure blockades of Black Lives Matter and #NoDAPL. We must also organize in our workplaces and schools, where politics have been an impolite topic for too long. We need to use the anger this election has generated to shut shit down.
Expose FascistsEven with Trump’s election, the vast majority of organized white nationalists and fascists remain cowards who only share their views anonymously or around other fascists. This is why the KKK cloak themselves in masks and the Alt Right trolls use anonymous message boards and sock puppet Twitter accounts. However, they often make mistakes and expose personal information. Monitor their message boards, social media accounts, and document any information you find about them. Send it to your local antifa, start your own blog, or flier their neighborhood, workplace, or school to force them from the shadows.
A quarter people in the UK say they have suffered from a mental health problem, yet most of them are isolated from one another. Unlike other groups and demographics, there is little in the way of a mental health movement.
Imagine if there was though. A huge festival in a park – a parade, concerts, poetry readings: hundreds of clinically depressed, anxious and schizophrenic people out on the streets or squashed into bars, to protest for sure, but also just to be with one another, and take pride in mental illness.
Well between 1999 and 2012, that existed, it was called "Mad Pride", a movement that tells us a lot about how mental health campaigning came to be what it is today.
Mad Pride was founded by four men with first hand experience of using mental health services; Mark Roberts, Simon Barnett, Robert Dellar, and Pete Shaughnessy. Simon had gone to a gay pride event and thought that there should be something similar for people with mental health issues. He had been involved in an organisation called Survivors Speak Out – a blueprint for what today is called the "user movement", where mental health patients come together to network and defend their rights – but all four men believed that there needed to be a group for mental health patients that resembled something more of a liberation army.
"It seemed like the right time to fight back," explains Robert Dellar over the phone. Robert worked for the charity Mind when he got involved with Mad Pride in 1999, but had also suffered from mental health problems himself, treated on and off for depression and anxiety.
"Back then there was a hell of a lot of stigma against people with mental health issues in the media," he says. "People with schizophrenia, for example, were portrayed as violent and stabbing people all the time. Yes, there were a couple of high profile cases that made the cover of newspapers, but what annoyed us was that if you looked at the statistics, homicides committed by people with mental health issues weren't really any higher than those committed by other people. It seemed unfair."
The other problem at the time, says Rob, was the way that drug companies were interacting with the mental health sector. "The government was encouraged by the media and one or two maverick charities to put forward legislation that increased coercion of people with mental health issues," he says. "There was legislation that compelled them to accept treatment they might not have wanted – like medication – which of course has its advantages but may also have had life-shortening side effects."
Fed up with this legislative attitude to mental health, Mad Pride started recruiting members. "We were quite attention seeking," remembers Rob. "People thought it was lively and wanted to get involved." The type of people they attracted was broad, he says – a lot of punks, anarchists, lefties, and people with all sorts of different clinical diagnoses, as well as professionals who worked in the sector. But their common experience lay in having the same frustrations about how mental health services were run. "Mad Pride never had a strict definition," Rob muses, "it was very free floating."
Today a name like "Mad Pride" would stand out as problematic; "mad" seems like an outdated and derogatory term. I ask if it was at the time, if they were trying to reclaim it. "We were up to a point," he answers, "but it was about more than reclaiming, it was undermining the prejudicial use."
"It was always intended to provoke and I think it still does," adds Mark Roberts. "Some mental health survivors hate it – but we obviously liked it a lot." Mark compares the use of "Mad" in the context to the way black people use the word "n–––" – "it shocks outsiders," he says. "Personally I capitalise Mad to denote it as a political term, just as some Disabled People do likewise."
The group held events on and off for a couple of years, the frequency largely contingent on the organisers' own states of mental health: Rob was struggling with alcoholism and Pete was becoming increasingly "psychotic". Rob says it was fun and creative to work in different ways on a shoe string budget, outside the normal conventions of a protest movement, but that at times running an organisation made up of mental health patients was understandably difficult. Then, on December 15th, 2002, co-founder Pete Shaughnessy committed suicide.
"He'd been very depressed leading up to that, but it knocked us full for six," remembers Rob. "Mad Pride trundled on for a while but Pete's death really took the sting out of it for us. Pete was the media spokesperson, very charismatic, he had the energy and the ideas that kept it going."
Since Pete's death, Mad Pride has put on the odd protest or gig. There was a demo in 2011 against Cameron and Osborne's austerity cuts, which they held in Hyde Park. But that was the last event. "People involved have moved on, or stopped campaigning altogether," says Mark.
Such was Mad Pride's appeal that several spin off organisations started popping up around the world after it was formed; Turin Mad Pride, Toronto Mad Pride, a branch in India, another in New Zealand. Rob says they're not coordinated or related, they just picked up on the name. "It's not something we had no control of, it just built up its own momentum."
Both Mark and Rob agree that Mad Pride was a product of its time; an organisation they can't see existing today. Pharmaceutical companies have been so successful in marketing anti-depressants, anti-psychotics and anti-anxiety drugs, that these days a huge number of people are on them – one in eleven people with mental health problems.
As more people are classed as mentally ill, arguably the stigma fades. And yet, Rob says, the downside of this is that it's contributed to a climate where it seems like mental health issues are sometimes no big deal. "OK, so one in four people might have experienced mental illness of some kind. We need to remember that one in four hundred are suffering really badly and their lives are at risk... but they're getting abandoned," he says.
"In the 90s, when I worked in mental health, so much work was put into trying to get people out of hospital who don't want to be there and now people can't get beds in hospitals in the first place. There's no safety net there for people who are experiencing really severe mental distress and are at terrible risk. I think the biggest change we've seen since Mad Pride is those issues becoming more of a priority than the civil liberties angle, than the stigma side of things."
Perhaps that's why Rob, Mark and other members of Mad Pride are now involved with a pressure group that arose out of the 2011 austerity cuts demo in Hyde park, known as the Mental Health Resistance Network. Rob says it's a very different set up to Mad Pride: "We're more assertively political, from a far left perspective. We do serious things like take the government to court over welfare benefits cuts."
Still, he says, a lot of it wouldn't have happened without Mad Pride catalysing the UK user movement: "I think people feel a lot more confident about campaigning and putting heads about the parapet now, because we did it so prominently back then."
That's been Mad Pride's most vital legacy, he says. "It created a community, a lot of friendships, a kind of alternative society. When mainstream society rejected people who are mentally ill, that was important."